Roger Rosenblatt’s book Black Fiction, in attempting to apply literary rather than sociopolitical criteria to its subject, successfully alters the approach taken by most previous studies. As Rosenblatt notes, criticism of Black writing has often served as a pretext for expounding on Black history. Addison Gayle’s recent work, for example, judges the value of Black fiction by overtly political standards, rating each work according to the notions of Black identity which it propounds.
Although fiction assuredly springs from political circumstances, its authors react to those circumstances in ways other than ideological, and talking about novels and stories primarily as instruments of ideology circumvents much of the fictional enterprise. Rosenblatt’s literary analysis discloses affinities and connections among works of Black fiction which solely political studies have overlooked or ignored.
Writing acceptable criticism of Black fiction, however, presupposes giving satisfactory answers to a number of questions. First of all, is there a sufficient reason, other than the racial identity of the authors, to group together works by Black authors? Second, how does Black fiction make itself distinct from other modern fiction with which it is largely contemporaneous? Rosenblatt shows that Black fiction constitutes a distinct body of writing that has an identifiable, coherent literary tradition. Looking at novels written by Blacks over the last eighty years, he discovers recurring concerns and designs independent of chronology. These structures are thematic, and they spring, not surprisingly, from the central fact that the Black characters in these novels exist in a predominantly White culture, whether they try to conform to that culture of rebel against it.
Black Fiction does leave some aesthetic questions open. Rosenblatt’s thematic analysis permits considerable objectivity; he even explicitly states that it is not his intention to judge the merit of the various works—yet his reluctance seems misplaced, especially since an attempt to appraise might have led to interesting results. For instance, some of the novels appear to be structurally diffuse. Is this a defect, or are the authors working out of, or trying to forge, a different kind of aesthetic? In addition, the style of some Black novels, like Jean Toomer’s Cane, verges on expressionism or surrealism; does this technique provide a counterpoint to the prevalent theme that portrays the fate against which Black heroes are pitted, a theme usually conveyed by more naturalistic modes of expression?
In spite of such omissions, what Rosenblatt does include in his discussion makes for an astute and worthwhile study. Black Fiction surveys a wide variety of novels, bringing to our attention in the process some fascinating and little-known works like James Weldon Johnson’s Autobiography of an Ex-Colored Man. Its argument is tightly constructed, and its forthright, lucid style exemplifies levelheaded and penetrating criticism.
21. The author of the passage objects to criticism of Black fiction like that by Addison Gayle because it
(A)emphasizes purely literary aspects of such fiction
(B)misinterprets the ideological content of such fiction
(C)misunderstands the notions of Black identity contained in such fiction
(D)substitutes political for literary criteria in evaluating such fiction
(E)ignores the interplay between Black history and Black identity displayed in such fiction
22. The author of the passage is primarily concerned with
(A)evaluating the soundness of a work of criticism
(B)comparing various critical approaches to a subject
(C)discussing the limitations of a particular kind of criticism
(D)summarizing the major points made in a work of criticism
(E)explaining the theoretical background of a certain kind of criticism
23. The author of the passage believes that Black Fiction would have been improved had Rosenblatt
(A)evaluated more carefully the ideological and historical aspects of Black fiction
(B)attempted to be more objective in his approach to novels and stories by Black authors
(C)explored in greater detail the recurrent thematic concerns of Black fiction throughout its history
(D)established a basis for placing Black fiction within its own unique literary tradition
(E)assessed the relative literary merit of the novels he analyzes thematically
24. The author’s discussion of Black Fiction can be best described as
(A)pedantic and contentious
(B)critical but admiring
(C)ironic and deprecating
(D)argumentative but unfocused
(E)stilted and insincere
25. It can be inferred that the author of the passage would be LEAST likely to approve of which of the following?
(A)An analysis of the influence of political events on the personal ideology of Black writes
(B)A critical study that applies sociopolitical criteria to autobiographies by Black authors
(C)A literary study of Black poetry that appraises the merits of poems according to the political acceptability of their themes
(D)An examination of the growth of a distinct Black literary tradition within the context of Black history
(E)A literary study that attempts to isolate aesthetic qualities unique to Black fiction
26. The author of the passage uses all of the following in the discussion of Rosenblatt’s book EXCEPT
(A)rhetorical questions
(B)specific examples
(C)comparison and contrast
(D)definition of terms
(E)personal opinion
27. The author of the passage refers to James Weldon Johnson’s Autobiography of an Ex-Colored Man most probably in order to
(A)point out affinities between Rosenblatt’s method of thematic analysis and earlier criticism
(B)clarify the point about expressionistic style made earlier in the passage
(C)qualify the assessment of Rosenblatt’s book made in the first paragraph of the passage
(D)illustrate the affinities among Black novels disclosed by Rosenblatt’s literary analysis
(E)give a specific example of one of the accomplishments of Rosenblatt’s work
D A E B C D E
TEXT D
"In every known human society the male's needs for achievement can be recognized... In agreat number of human societies men's sureness of their sex role is tied up with their right, orability, to practice some activity that women are not allowed to practice. Their maleness in facthas to be underwritten by preventing women from entering some field or performing somefeat."
This is the conclusion of the anthropologist Margaret Mead about the way in which the rolesof men and women in society should be distinguished.
If talk and print are considered it would seem that the formal emancipation of women is far fromcomplete. There is a flow of publications about the continuing domestic bondage of womenand about the complicated system of defences which men have thrown up around theirhitherto accepted advantages, taking sometimes the obvious form of exclusion from types ofoccupation and sociable groupings, and sometimes the more subtle form of automatic doubtof the seriousness of women's pretensions to the level of intellect and resolution that men, itis supposed, bring to the business of running the world.
There are a good many objective pieces of evidence for the erosion of men's status. In thefirst place, there is the widespread postwar phenomenon of the woman Prime Minister, inIndia, Sri Lanka and Israel.
Secondly, there is the very large increase in the number of women who work, especially marriedwomen and mothers of children. More diffusely there are the increasingly numerousconvergences between male and female behaviour: the approximation to identical styles indress and coiffure, the sharing of domestic tasks, and the admission of women to all sorts ofhitherto exclusively male leisure-time activities.
Everyone carries round with him a fairly definite idea of the primitive or natural conditions ofhuman life. It is acquired more by the study of humorous cartoons than of archaelology, butthat does not matter since it is not significant as theory but only as an expression of inwardlyfelt expectations of people's sense of what is fundamentally proper in the differentiationbetween the roles of the two sexes. In this rudimentary natural society men go out to huntand fish and to fight off the tribe next door while women keep the fire going. Amorousinitiative is firmly reserved to the man, who sets about courtship with a club.
25. The phrase "men's sureness of their sex role" in the first paragraph suggests that they
A. are confident in their ability to charm women.
B. take the initiative in courtship.
C. have a clear idea of what is considered "manly".
D. tend to be more immoral than women are.
26. The third paragraph does NOT claim that men
A. prevent women from taking up certain professions.
B. secretly admire women's intellect and resolution.
C. doubt whether women really mean to succeed in business.
D. forbid women to join certain clubs and societies.
27. The third paragraph
A. generally agrees with the first paragraph
B. has no connection with the first paragraph
C. repeats the argument of the second paragraph
D. contradicts the last paragraph
28. At the end of the last paragraph the author uses humorous exaggeration in order to
A. show that men are stronger than women
B. carry further the ideas of the earliest paragraphs
C. support the first sentence of the same paragraph
D. disown the ideas he is expressing
29. The usual idea of the cave man in the last paragraph
A. is based on the study of archaeology
B. illustrates how people expect men to behave
C. is dismissed by the author as an irrelevant joke
D. proves that the man, not woman, should be the wooer
30. The opening quotation from Margaret Mead sums up a relationship between man andwoman which the author
A. approves of
B. argues is natural
C. completely rejects
D. expects to go on changing
25. C 26. B 27. A 28. C 29. B 30. A
TEXT A
Farmers in the developing world hate price fluctuations. It makes it hard to plan ahead. But most of them have little choice: they sell at the price the market sets. Farmers in Europe, the U.S. and Japan are luckier: they receive massive government subsidies in the form of guaranteed prices or direct handouts. Last month U.S. President Bush signed a new farm bill that gives American farmers $190 billion over the next 10 years, or $83 billion more than they had been scheduled to get, and pushes U.S. agricultural support close to crazy European levels. Bush said the step was necessary to “promote farmer independence and preserve the farm way of life for generations”. It is also designed to help the Republican Party win control of the Senate in November’s mid?term elections.?
Agricultural production in most poor countries accounts for up to 50% of GDP, compared to only 3% in rich countries. But most farmers in poor countries grow just enough for themselves and their families. Those who try exporting to the West find their goods whacked with huge tariffs or competing against cheaper subsidized goods. In 1999 the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development concluded that for each dollar developing countries receive in aid they lose up to $14 just because of trade barriers imposed on the export of their manufactured goods. It’s not as if the developing world wants any favours, says Gerald Ssendwula, Uganda’s Minister of Finance. “What we want is for the rich countries to let us compete.”?
Agriculture is one of the few areas in which the Third World can compete. Land and labour are cheap, and as farming methods develop, new technologies should improve output. This is no pie?in?the?sky speculation. The biggest success in Kenya’s economy over the past decade has been the boom in exports of cut flowers and vegetables to Europe. But that may all change in 2008, when Kenya will be slightly too rich to qualify for the “least?developed country” status that allows African producers to avoid paying stiff European import duties on selected agricultural products. With trade barriers in place, the horticulture industry in Kenya will shrivel as quickly as a discarded rose. And while agriculture exports remain the great hope for poor countries, reducing trade barriers in other sectors also works: Americas African Growth and Opportunity Act, which cuts duties on exports of everything from handicrafts to shoes, has proved a boon to Africa’s manufacturers. The lesson: the Third World can prosper if the rich world gives it a fair go.?
This is what makes Bush’s decision to increase farm subsidies last month all the more depressing. Poor countries have long suspected that the rich world urges rade liberalization only so it can wangle its way into new markets. Such suspicions caused the Seattle trade talks to break down three years ago. But last November members of the World Trade Organization, meeting in Doha, Qatar, finally agreed to a new round of talks designed to open up global trade in agriculture and textiles. Rich countries assured poor countries, that their concerns were finally being addressed. Bush’s handout last month makes a lie of America’s commitment to those talks and his personal devotion to free trade.?
16.By comparison, farmers ____ receive more government subsidies than others.?
A.in the developing world
B.in Japan
C.in Europe
D.in America?
17.In addition to the economic considerations, there is a ____ motive behind Bush’s signing of the new farm bill.?
A.partisan
B.social
C.financial
D.cultural?
18.The message the writer attempts to convey throughout the passage is that ____.?
A.poor countries should be given equal opportunities in trade?
B.“the least?developed country” status benefits agricultural countries?
C.poor countries should remove their suspicions about trade liberalization?
D.farmers in poor countries should also receive the benefit of subsidies?
19.The writer’s attitude towards new farm subsidies in the U.S. is ____.?
A.favourable
B.ambiguous
C.critical
D.reserved
PART Ⅲ READING COMPREHENSION
SECTION A READING COMPREHENSION
TEXT A
短文大意:美国总统布什签订了一份农业议案,旨在提高农业补贴。本文围绕这一问题,指出发展中国家、穷国家希望富国给予其在农业贸易上公平竞争的机会,暗示布什的这一举措对穷国来说是件令人沮丧之事。
16.答案: C
【参考译文】相比之下,哪里的农民接受补贴多?
【试题分析】本题为细节题。
【详细解答】短文第一段中说:“Farmers in Europe, the U.S. and Japan are luckier: they receive massive government subsidies in the form of guaranteed prices or direct handouts.”其意思是说欧洲、美国及日本的农民更幸运些,他们接受了大量的补贴,如有保障的价格或者直接的救济,可见欧洲位于首位。后文又有“...pushes U.S. agricultural support close to crazy European levels.”指的是新农业议案使得美国的农业资助接近于疯狂的欧洲水平,说明欧洲的农民接受补贴最多。
17.答案: A
【参考译文】除了经济上的考虑之外,布什签的新农业议案背后还有什么动机?
【试题分析】本题为细节题。
【详细解答】短文第一段末尾说:“ It’s also designed to help the Republican Party win control of the Senate in November’s mid term elections.”原来,议案还旨在帮组布什所在的民主党赢得对参议院的控制权,因而它有“党派(partisan)的动机”。
18.答案: A
【参考译文】作者全文试图表达的意思是什么?
【试题分析】本题为主旨题。
【详细解答】文中第二段引用乌干达财政的话:“What we want is for the rich countries to let us compete.”,即希望富国能让他们竞争;第三段讲了肯尼亚园艺工业曾经的发展及如今所面临的贸易障碍,从此得出一个教训:“The lesson: the third world can prosper if the rich world gives it a fair go”,意思是富国若给一个公平的机会,第三世界就会繁荣起来,这与选项A相符。
19.答案: C
【参考译文】作者对美国新的农业补贴的态度如何?
【试题分析】本题为判断推理题。
【详细解答】可从最后一段中的几句话得出答案。“This is what makes Bush’s decision to increase farm subsidies last month all the more depressing.” 说明布什的决定让人沮丧;另外,最后一句“Bush’s handout last month makes a lie of America’s commitment to those talks and his personal devotion to free trade.” 实质上是批评了布什是对其在多哈(Doha)会谈上所作的承诺的撒谎。因此作者的态度是“批判性的”。下载本文